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General Naravane's UAE and Saudi Arabia visits communicate India's long awaited arrival in the domain of integrated foreign policy where the diplomatic and the military domains both

complement each other much more substantially, observes Lieutenant General Syed Ata Hasnain (retd).

That was about the degree of strategic importance the Indian Army accorded to the United Arab Emirates, the tiny conglomerate of seven little nations.

No one realised then that UAE which had created a trading and business hub of no mean proportion even at that stage would progressively go on to be a strategic heavyweight of the Middle

East; it probably happened due to the UAE's continuing economic status and very adroit handling of foreign relations.

Saudi Arabia on the other hand acquired its high strategic image from the contribution of three factors. First, the custodianship of the most important shrines of Islam, second the virtual

leadership of the majority Sunni world and third because of the energy reserves under its control which gave it a booming economy.

He was there last week and it drew considerable interest within India and internationally, especially since both nations have been steadfast and enduring in their support for India.

I inquired from some senior naval officers and learnt that Indian naval chiefs have been regularly visiting these countries in the past.

So why does a visit by the Army Chief draw so much attention? Before getting to discuss this and the strategic intricacies involved a few observations may be relevant.

Except for routine port calls by naval ships, visits by Service Chiefs and technical delegations to examine weapons and equipment there has hardly been a thought towards deliberately using

the domain of military linkages to strengthen politico-strategic relationships in more than a transactional way.

Things started to change around 2005 when joint military training beyond just exchange of officers on courses of instruction became more frequent.

Of course, Exercise Malabar, the annual event with the US Navy began in 1992 soon after the end of the Cold War and the commencement of the reset of the world order.

The current Indian government has been quick to realize the value of military to military relationships.

It may not be the best of examples, but the Pakistan army's relationship with its counterparts in some other countries has been a force multiplier for the Pakistani nation at crucial times.

My experience in working with the US army revealed that while dealing simultaneously with the Pakistan and Indian armies US officers would always favour the Pakistanis; it's a longer

standing relationship I suppose, going back to Cold War days.

The US armed forces are now beginning to judge the Indian military differently.

With 15000 Pakistani troops once posted in Saudi Arabia the two armies probably know each other well.

The government rightly chose Myanmar to start with; it's where General Naravane served three years as a defence attache and his earlier contacts with the Myanmar army would have added much

confidence when he and Foreign Secretary Harsh Shringla together visited Yangon in early November.

Since the Myanmar army traditionally plays an important role in the conduct of Myanmar's foreign policy it made ample sense for the Army Chief to be a part of the outreach.

An important player in the matrix of Himalayan security Nepal cannot be wished away.

Swayed by its Communist leader, Nepal experimented with diplomatic confrontation with India without being sure how far to go.

General Naravane's own remarks at that stage were not taken too kindly by Nepal.

Going ahead with a pending visit by the Army Chief was a suitable decision; after all 30,000 Nepalese Gurkha soldiers serve the Indian Army at any time under the Indo-Nepal Treaty of 1950

and thousands more receive pension for their similar earlier service.

The Army Chief ceremonially receives the honorary rank of general of the Nepal army which in General Naravane's case was postponed due to the pandemic.

This is in a way 'reinforcing diplomacy' considering the fact that the Indian government has invested much time and energy since 2014 in building its relationships with important Middle East

nations; the Gulf region received greater priority in this with the UAE and Saudi Arabia both receiving the higher focus.

There are almost a total of 5 million Indian expatriates working in both countries sending home large and steady remittances.

India imports a large part of its energy needs from the two nations with a high degree of strategic assurance.

Both have now emerged as the two most important nations in the Gulf Cooperation Council.

This has contributed towards the stabilisation process of the Middle East, but opened schisms within the Islamic world.

Saudi Arabia itself has not yet signed an Abrahamic Accord although it enjoys a fine relationship with Israel in an effort to balance Iran's growing power in the Middle East.

The power of Saudi Arabia and UAE in the OIC has in the last one year been challenged by an axis comprising Malaysia, Pakistan, Iran and Turkey (all non-Arab countries) all of whom are bound

by an anti-India stance especially on the issue of J&K.

In the emerging scenario it is important for India for reinforce its relationship with GCC and especially with Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

In the political, economic and social domains the relationships have developed well.

Joint training between the armies had commenced a few years ago.

However, it is not just the hard core areas of cooperation that are up for demonstration.

What is equally needed is the right projection that a military to military relationship resting on contact at the highest levels has come to be established between India and the two nations.

If India has come thus far, it must not stop with the Army Chief's isit.

Exchanges between institutions and even different Arms and Services will go a long way in seizing the space which has been occupied by Pakistan all these years.

Besides anything else it also communicates India's long awaited arrival in the domain of integrated foreign policy where the diplomatic and the military domains both complement each other

much more substantially.

With a new US administration in place very soon it also communicates India's willingness to experiment in establishing linkages which will eventually assist in the creation of the right

balance of power in the Middle East.

Lieutenant General Syed Ata Hasnain (retd), PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, SM, VSM is one of India's most respected commentators on national security. The general commanded the Indian Army's 15 Army

Corps in Kashmir and was known as the 'People's General' in the Kashmir Valley General Hasnain is a frequent contributor to Rediff.com.