This is not the behaviour of confident men | thearticle


This is not the behaviour of confident men | thearticle

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The dominant characteristic of this government is that it is addicted to control. That is its guiding principle. It wants to control the BBC and has done so by threatening the licence fee.


It wants to control the courts by installing an Attorney General who has made it clear that she abhors judicial activism, which really means she didn’t like the Supreme Court’s decision on


prorogation. And now we learn, from yesterday’s startling re-shuffle, that Dominic Cummings, and his deputy Boris Johnson, intend to take back control of the Treasury. Sajid Javid will have


won a good many admirers for refusing the appalling deal he was offered yesterday by No.10 — either sack all your people and replace them with our yes-men and yes-women, or get lost. Javid,


to his credit decided to walk. In his place came Rishi Sunak, a callow 39-year-old who has risen to prominence through a strict policy of obedience to the Prime Minister and a hard-line


commitment to Brexit. The intention is to bring the Treasury to heel. This has been one of Cummings’s long-held ambitions, and now he finally has the chance to do it. No.10 and the Treasury


will now operate as a single team. Gone are the days when the Prime Minister had to subject his plans to economic and fiscal tests. From now on, everything will be waved through. Because


this is what the Johnson government is all about — or at least, what it has been about so far: getting everything and everyone in the political equivalent of a head-lock. Getting rid of all


the heavyweight contrarians — that was first. The Tory moderates, most of them talented, experienced and not cowed by Cummings or Johnson, were all shipped out in the last parliament, slung


from the party in a brutal purge. The ones that didn’t immediately announce they were standing down were defeated at the general election. Remarkably, the ensuing electoral victory did


nothing to calm No.10’s control freakery. If anything, it made it worse — Cummings, it seems, is a sore _winner_. And so there was the ban on ministers appearing on the Today programme, and


the decision to review the criminal sanction for those who don’t pay the BBC licence fee. These two things were both triggered by the idea that the Beeb was too anti-Brexit and that it is


institutionally left wing. It may well be that the BBC is a bit left-wing and anti-Brexit — but even if that’s true, it didn’t make any difference, did it? The country voted for Brexit and


the Tories, so why the hot pursuit? And neither did the alleged judicial activism make any difference to Brexit — we still left. A difficult time lies ahead for Johnson and Cummings. They


have shown themselves adept at grabbing for power. They have also shown that they are sufficiently bad-spirited and insecure that they need not only to win, but to rub out any semblance of


opposition. This is not the behaviour of confident men. Because really, Johnson and Cummings have so far achieved nothing. No trade deals, no progress in discussion with the EU, no


significant re-orientation of policy in favour of the north — nothing. Instead, we have the political theatre of HS2 and a hatchet-job of a re-shuffle. But this year is going to be one of


the most important in modern British history and it will involve Johnson negotiating with entities over which he can exert no power and with people over whom he will have no control. In his


negotiations with the countries that will soon, it is hoped, be buying the £291 billion of UK exports that used to travel frictionlessly into the EU, Johnson and Cummings will require


subtlety and guile. When they come to negotiate with the EU over the passporting rights of British financial services companies, they will need to be similarly tactful, as they will need to


be in a whole host of other external negotiations. But like Corbyn before them, Johnson and Cummings have turned inward. Faced with the enormity of the task before them, they have set about


controlling the things that can be controlled, and that means the party. Just as Corbyn grabbed the levers of control in the Labour machine, so No.10 has seized control of the Conservative


Party — and now the government machine. They may feel pleased with their moment of political dominance. But it will soon pass. And when it does, they will learn that control is not the same


thing as good government. Quite the opposite, in fact.